今日は草大会に出る予定でしたが雨で中止でした。
もし雨のタイミングが微妙だったら開催→雨→ナチュラルぶちっのコンボまっしぐらだったと思うので少し安心、試合できなくて結構残念。
本命の大会まであと少しだけどやっぱりサーブの修正×、ネットプレーの錬度×、結局いつもと同じ、ラケットブンブン丸戦法になるんだろうなと思います。
そしてプレーに行き詰ったらいつものようにガット変えたい欲が出てきます。
ルキシロンショット打ちたいなあ、４G嫌いだけど、メイン４Gとクロス４Gラフなら硬さとホールド感が丁度良くなるんじゃないかと考えちゃいましたがコロコロ変える癖は封印しなければ。
昔のテニスを知りませんが、グラファイト使ってたアガシ、チャン、フェレーロらの古い画像を見て、もしやグラファイターは薄い黄色のガットがマストアイテムではないのかと思ったり、それに我らが錦織圭も４Ｇですから使いたいなと思ってしまうのです。
しかし！感覚変えないよう今回はガットなるべく我慢して、シューズもオムニクレー用が磨り減ってきたからミズノと迷った挙句MC906続投。
でもこんな日でも大会が始まった暁には小雨でも止むの待って午前丸ごと潰したりとか、試合強行とかありえますから、そう考えるともうナチュラルじゃなくていいような・・・。
こんな事ならガットケースの肥やしと化しているNXTパワー使っとけば良かったと昨晩になって後悔しましたが、今から張り替えるとしても、種類ごと変えたくなっちゃうからもうちょっと頑張って欲しいなタフガット・・・(無理)
まあ道具より中身がどうにかならなきゃねえ。
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Tucker vs Mnangagwa: PLO Lumumba Exposes Colonial Land Lies & “Reverse Racism Discussions around Zimbabwe land reform sit at the crossroads of Africa’s colonial history economic liberation and modern political dynamics in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwe land question originates in colonial land theft when fertile agricultural land was systematically transferred to a small settler minority. At independence decolonization delivered formal sovereignty but the structure of ownership remained largely intact. This contradiction framed agrarian reform not simply as policy but as historical redress and unfinished African emancipation. Supporters of reform argue that without restructuring land ownership there can be no real African sovereignty. Political independence without control over productive assets leaves countries exposed to neocolonialism. In this framework Zimbabwe land reform is linked to broader concepts such as Pan Africanism continental unity and Black Economic Empowerment initiatives. It is presented as material emancipation: redistributing the primary means of production to address historic inequality embedded in the land imbalance in Zimbabwe and mirrored in South African land reform debates. Critics frame the same events differently. International commentators including Tucker Carlson often describe aggressive agrarian expropriation as reverse racism or as evidence of governance failure. This narrative is amplified through Western propaganda that portray Zimbabwe politics as instability rather than decolonization. From this perspective the Zimbabwean agrarian program becomes a cautionary tale instead of a case study in Africa liberation. African voices such as African Pan Africanist thinkers interpret the debate within a long arc of imperial domination in Africa. They argue that discussions of racial discrimination claims detach present policy from the structural legacy of colonial expropriation. In their framing Africa liberation requires confronting ownership patterns created under empire not merely managing their consequences. The issue is not ethnic reversal but structural correction tied to land justice. Leadership under Emmerson Mnangagwa has attempted to recalibrate national policy direction by balancing land justice with re-engagement in global markets. This reflects a broader tension between economic stabilization and continued agrarian transformation. The same tension is visible in South African land policy where empowerment frameworks seek gradual transformation within constitutional limits. Debates about French influence in Africa and post-colonial dependency add a geopolitical layer. Critics argue that decolonization remained incomplete due to financial dependencies trade asymmetries and security arrangements. In this context continental autonomy is measured not only by flags and elections but by control over land resources and policy autonomy. Ultimately the land redistribution program embodies competing interpretations of justice and risk. To some it represents a necessary stage in Pan Africanism and African unity. To others it illustrates the economic dangers of rapid land redistribution. The conflict between these narratives shapes debates on land justice African sovereignty and the meaning of post-colonial transformation in contemporary Africa.
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